13, June, 2026
Feeling safe? Police armed with high powered rifles at cricket Adelaide Cricket Ground. Photo: Ben_The_Sig, Reddit.

South Australia’s 2025–26 Budget did not quietly prioritise policing. It boasted. The government proudly announced the largest boost to police funding in the state’s history, as if this were evidence of care, foresight, or responsibility. Instead, it is evidence of a political addiction to carcerality: a reflexive belief that safety is something you buy with badges, guns, cells, and bonuses.

The numbers are staggering. One hundred and seventy-two million dollars over six years to recruit hundreds of additional sworn police officers, with a stated target of five thousand sworn officers, the highest police-per-capita rate of any state in the country. Millions more to accelerate recruitment campaigns, expand academy courses, and flood the system with new bodies trained to surveil, detain, and use force. This is not a response to community need. It is an ideological commitment to policing as the centrepiece of governance.

And then there are the bonuses. South Australian police officers woke up this week to a $3,500 cash retention payment deposited directly into their bank accounts, on top of a four per cent pay increase, following earlier bonuses and the largest pay rise in decades. The language used to justify it is revealing. This money is not framed as a reward for extraordinary service or a response to genuine hardship. It is framed as a tool: a lure, a sugar hit, an election-year stabiliser to keep police in uniform long enough to deliver the optics of “law and order.”

The state insists this is about safety. It always does. But safety, apparently, only counts when it wears a uniform and carries a weapon.

While police receive cash bonuses and accelerated recruitment pipelines, ambulances are still being ramped at our public hospitals. While the government fast-tracks police academy courses, people are dying on hospital waiting lists. While millions are poured into police advertising, housing remains inaccessible, domestic violence services are underfunded, disability supports are rationed, and community-led prevention work is treated as optional, not essential.

This pattern is not unique to South Australia. Across the country, governments are offering increasingly lucrative financial incentives to recruit and retain prison officers. In Western Australia, prison officers can earn tens of thousands of dollars in cumulative bonuses simply for staying in regional prisons. In the Northern Territory, correctional officers in Alice Springs receive repeated lump-sum payments as part of retention schemes. In Victoria, new prison officers are offered sign-on bonuses of up to $8,000, plus relocation payments, explicitly designed to funnel workers into expanding regional prisons.

These incentives are not neutral employment policies. They are a declaration of priorities. They tell us exactly what the state values, and exactly who it is willing to invest in.

Police and prison officers are not being incentivised to heal communities, prevent harm, or address the conditions that produce violence. They are being paid to staff institutions that rely on coercion, isolation, and punishment. The state is pouring money into the machinery of arrest, detention, and incarceration while refusing to fund the things we know actually keep people safe: secure housing, accessible healthcare, income support, trauma-informed services, education, and community-led responses to harm.

It is particularly grotesque to watch governments frame these investments as forward-thinking while openly acknowledging that crime is not, in fact, spiraling out of control. South Australia’s own leaders regularly boast about low crime rates. Yet instead of asking what is working, and expanding those conditions, they double down on police numbers, expanded powers, and prison staffing. Safety, in this vision, is not something built. It is something enforced.

This obsession with carcerality is not accidental. It is politically convenient. Police recruitment drives and cash bonuses photograph well. New uniforms and academy graduations make for tidy press conferences. Being “tough on crime” is a familiar script in election years, even when it directly contradicts the data governments claim to celebrate. Policing becomes not a public service, but a political prop.

What is never discussed is the cost of this strategy, not just in dollars, but in harm. More police do not mean less violence for communities already over-policed. More prisons do not mean safer streets for women escaping abuse, for disabled people navigating hostile systems, or for children growing up in poverty. They mean more surveillance, more criminalisation, more people funneled into systems that punish vulnerability rather than address it.

Of equal concern is the culture within South Australia’s police. Over recent years the toxic environment, where staff bully and harass other staff to the point of suicide, caused an attrition rate so high that there was an officer shortage. A veteran detective spoke out publicly confirming “there is a toxic work culture”, “you can’t trust anyone. You can’t talk to anyone [about mental health stressors]. You have to show no weakness.” This is the culture new trainees are inducted into. These are the people being armed to  patrol our streets.

The truth is simple and deeply uncomfortable for those in power: policing and imprisonment are downstream responses to social harm created by political choices. They are the most expensive, least effective tools we have for producing safety. And yet, they are the tools governments reach for first, because they allow leaders to avoid confronting inequality, racism, gendered violence, and economic injustice.

A state serious about safety would not be handing out cash bonuses to police while community services beg for survival funding. It would not be expanding prison staffing while people sleep in cars, on couches, and on the street. It would not treat healthcare workers as negotiable while treating police retention as an emergency.

This budget tells us exactly what South Australia believes safety looks like. It looks like more police per capita than anywhere else in the country. It looks like cash incentives to keep people in uniform. It looks like continued investment in cages rather than care.

And that is what should outrage us, not because police and prison officers are workers, but because the state has decided, once again, that coercion deserves unlimited funding, while care must compete for scraps.

If this is the government’s vision of safety, it is not just wrong. It is dangerous.

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3 thoughts on “Cash Bonuses for Cops Won’t Keep Us Safe

  1. Hi all. I just hit good old Google and found that the SA budget puts nearly $9 billion (that’s 9, 000 million) on Health and a vastly smaller $395 million on justice which includes police, prisons and courts. That’s well over 20 times more on health than justice. On those figures I’d say it’s very likely the state is spending more on mental health (a substantial section of the health pie) than it is on police.

    The idea that health (‘care’) is being given ‘scraps’ because police and prisons (‘coercion’) is getting ‘unlimited funding’, lives only in the minds of activists too lazy to do basic research and/or with a mediocre high-schooler’s level of numeracy. A bright year 8 would know how to google search and handle these numbers. .

    1. Thank you for reading and engaging with our articles.

      To clarify, the current budget confirms that $9 billion was invested in the state’s health system over the past four budgets, that is: 2021-22, 2022-23, 2024-24, and 2024-25. The 2025-26 state budget document reveals that just approximately $117 million will be invested over five years to ‘support our mental health services to meet growing demand and costs’.

      Effective use of finances is not measured simply by comparing how much was spent in one area to how much was spent in another area, it is slightly more complex than that. To illustrate the principle, it’s fair to say that just because a person spends significantly less money on toilet paper each year than they do on food, doesn’t mean they are not grossly overspending on toilet paper and still finding themselves malnourished. We expect this concept would be understood by a bright year 8 student.

      Despite $9 billion being spent over the past four budgets, health care spending has been nevertheless inadequate. Ambulance ramping continues to occur at hospitals, something the premier at the last state election promised to eradicate but failed to do so. Furthermore, the growing housing crisis has not been averted. Homelessness continues to plague our state at a significant rate.

      On an alternate topic, you hide behind anonymity while we provide our opinions with unashamed pride and conviction. We’d love to have an in person or over the internet conversation with you to explore our different opinion.

      Dan Vansetten

    2. Ah yes, the sacred ritual of “I googled the headline budget numbers and therefore abolished structural analysis.”
      A few points, since you’re keen on year 8 numeracy lessons:

      1. Comparing total Health vs total Justice spending is a category error, not an argument. Health covers everything from maternity wards to cancer treatment to aged care to pathology to ambulances. Policing and prisons are single coercive institutions within Justice. When the state announces the largest boost to police funding in history, hands out cash bonuses, accelerates recruitment, and expands staffing targets, that is a political choice, regardless of what the aggregate health budget happens to be.

      2. Police funding is discretionary and expandable; care is rationed. Police got immediate retention bonuses, pay rises, recruitment pipelines, and PR campaigns. Nobody is getting a $3,500 “thanks for sticking around” bonus for being a mental health nurse, disability support worker, housing caseworker, or domestic violence advocate. That contrast is the point, and it remains true no matter how loudly you say “$9 billion.”

      3. Mental health spending ≠ non-coercive care. A significant portion of “mental health” funding goes to crisis responses that involve police, involuntary detention, surveillance, and coercion. Counting that as evidence of “care” while dismissing critiques of carcerality is… creative accounting at best.

      4. Per-capita police expansion matters. South Australia is deliberately moving toward the highest police-per-capita rate in the country despite low crime rates. That’s not an accounting accident, it’s an ideological commitment. No amount of Googling total budget pies changes that.

      5. Calling people “lazy” while doing the most superficial possible analysis isn’t the flex you think it is. It’s not numeracy. It’s confidence without comprehension.

      So no, the argument doesn’t “live only in the minds of activists.” It lives in the government’s own press releases, budget line items, bonus payments, recruitment drives, and policy priorities, all of which you’ve carefully ignored in favour of a smug spreadsheet moment.

      If you want to debate carcerality, priorities, and political choice, welcome. If you want to keep shadow-boxing imaginary claims no one made, at least don’t pretend it’s research.

      Tabitha Lean

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